Missiology for Plural Realities and Plural Christianties

In the 1980s, anthropology took a postmodern turn expressed in deconstruction and a “loss of certainty” in the social sciences and philosophy (Rynkiewich, 2011, p. 12). In the West, the individual was traditionally thought of as the “basic unit of society”. But neuroscience has increasingly cast doubt upon the objectivity of the individual’s perception of reality. It turns out that people do not perceive the world “as it is”, but in a highly fragmented and subjective way (p. 16-17). Thus “grand theories” of early anthropologists came to be seen as founded more upon their own Western philosophical tradition than observable human practice (p. 20). In my highly culturally diverse context of Western Europe, Christian witness that makes sweeping claims about the world are expected to come with the disclaimer, “in my opinion”. 

Since the emergence of anthropology as a discipline, a variety of successive attempts have been made to define culture. Some modern anthropologists believed that cultural differences could be explained by a universal evolutionary process. From a Western perspective, the peoples of the world could be conceived as moving from being savages, to barbarians, to civilized (Whiteman, 2020, p. 2). Another extrapolation from the notion of cultural evolution held that societies processed from “magic to religion to science” (p. 2). But the Darwinian theory was countered by historical particularism which argues that “historical, geographic and environmental factors” cause cultural development rather than a uniform evolutionary trajectory (Whiteman, 2020, p. 2). Later, missionaries found the interpretive definition of culture helpful, which defines culture as consisting of symbolic forms used to communicate and propagate knowledge and feelings about life (p. 3). These symbols may appear to have a straightforward meaning but have deeper meanings only discoverable through extensive field study (p. 4). In Portugal where I live, the religious symbols of Catholicism are present everywhere. As an Evangelical, it is easy for me to interpret Catholic architecture and liturgical art superficially versus seeking a thick understanding such as Geertz would recommend (Hua Cai, 2024). 

A common denominator in postmodern conceptions of culture is that it is a means people use to adapt to their environments (Rynkiewich, 2011, p. 20). “Entangled in language”, culture gives shape to the phenomena of our world, in a process that is learned and shared (p. 21,22). And culture is “peculiar” as a lens we acquire for seeing and interpreting the world while soon forgetting that culture is a “social construct” (p. 22). The linguistic turn of modern philosophy in the work of Wittgenstein and others ended up not offering a universal conception of language. I find this evident in my conversations with Europeans about spiritual matters as strident affirmations regarding the correct use of terms is perceived as arrogant. 

Postmodern anthropology critiques a modern ethnocentrism that seeks to understand non-Western cultures through its own unique perspective (Rynkiewich, 2011, p. 24). Cultural relativism, pioneered by anthropologist such as Franz Boas holds that each culture possesses knowledge which is original and constitutional, only to be understood within its own context (p. 25). I agree with the approach of methodological relativism which seeks to keep prejudices from distorting the interpretation of culture. Judgement is suspended initially while the anthropologist seeks to understand a culture. But aspects of a culture that undermine justice, for example, should be judged at the right stage of research, but not prematurely (p. 25). Even the most postmodern interlocutors I encounter in Portugal generally agree to the appropriateness of some degree of judging cultural phenomena. 

While modern anthropology tended to treat culture as something existing apart from human beings, the postmodern turn deconstructs culture by restoring agency to human beings (Rynkiewich, 2011, p. 30). This account reminds us that culture doesn’t do anything, people do. However, people’s actions are always contingent on their environments (p. 30). A constructivist view like this holds that while culture has powerful influence over people, it is also contingent on the materials and agency of people (p. 31). I find this perspective helpful in dialoguing with a population who values individual freedom and the subjectivity of human experience. As I witness to my experience of Christ to another human being – no matter what culture they represent – a constructivist account unites us in our shared experience of making sense of the world with the resources available. 

It has been argued that what unites postmodernism is: 

a commitment to a set of cultural projects that privilege heterogeneity, fragmentation, and difference and a widespread mood in literary theory, philosophy, and the social sciences that question the possibility of impartiality, objectivity, or authoritative knowledge (Whiteman, 2000, p. 5). 

It is easy to see why the postmodern turn in anthropology has received much criticism. Its attack on the objectivity of ethnography undermines the scientific legitimacy of anthropology as a field (p. 6). The obsession with polyvocality (multiple versions of reality or truth) and reflexivity threatens to make anthropologists overly anti-objectivist and introspective (p. 6,7). 

I believe that the concept of culture should still be used by missiologists as a heuristic descriptive device which acknowledges that culture is “contested, contingent, constructed, contextual, complex, changing, and creative” (Whiteman, 2000, p. 9). What is problematic is when missionaries use the concept of culture “prescriptively instead of descriptively”, such as in essentialist paradigms of people groups and honor/shame cultures (p. 9). We do a disservice to the field of missions studies when we try to reduce the complexity of the cultural phenomenon of our world in ways that “papers over complexity and camouflages important and critical differences in human beings” (p. 9). Polycentric missiology is a promising paradigm which recognizes the existence of “plural realities” and even plural Christianities (p. 9-10). If we hope to be able to combat racism and ethnocentrism, we must embrace the beneficial points of postmodernism such as cultural relativism without relinquishing critical thought (p. 10). 

References

Hua Cai. (2024). The predicament of social sciences in the 20th century: A dialogue with Clifford Geertz’s essay “Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture” (Part I). International Journal of Anthropology and Ethnology, 8(1), 1–20. Directory of Open Access Journals. https://doi.org/10.1186/s41257-023-00102-2

Rynkiewich, Michael A. (2011). Soul, Self, and SocietyA Postmodern Anthropology for Mission in a Postcolonial World. Cascade Books  

Whiteman, D. (2020). The Concept of Culture in Missiology: To abandon or adapt considering the rise of postmodern anthropology. Biola University. 

Anthropology has Moved on, Should Missiology?

Claude Stipe’s (1980) analysis of anthropologists’ negative attitudes towards missionaries is based on two prevalent assumptions. These are that “primitive cultures are characterized by an organic unity and that religious beliefs are essentially meaningless” (p. 166). Based on functionalism, the organic-unity concept sees primitive cultures as possessing an internal equilibrium and integrity. Therefore, unless internally motivated, cultural change amounts to “upsetting a delicate machine” (Colson, 1976, p. 267). This anthropological perspective posits that options are bad for pristine ancient cultures. But inconsistently, options are good for the West to “free ourselves, and our peers, from constraining tradition” (Colson, 1976, p. 276). 

The religion as meaningless concept can be connected to the experience of most early anthropological writers on religion. Not surprisingly, this was negative, and probably led to their subsequent attitudes towards religion (Stipe, 1980, p. 167). By discrediting primitive religion as “outmoded superstition” of a prescientific age (Evans-Pritchard, 1972, p. 205), higher religions can also be dismissed (Stipe, 1980, p. 167). The religion as meaningless position holds that its study should focus “on the rites rather than the beliefs” (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952, p. 155). Since religion does not produce an integrating theory of the world, human experience of the divine can be dismissed as a manifestation of the “supreme archetypal social relationship” (Horton, 1971, p. 96). This would explain anthropologists dislike of missionaries, who take seriously the religious beliefs of the cultures they encounter which anthropologists have rejected (Stipe, 1980, p. 168). 

A more helpful attitude today on the part of both missionaries and anthropologists has been proposed. Since both hold positions regarding truth and a desire to protect the people they work among, missionaries and anthropologists can build relations based on these similarities (Salamone, 1977, p. 409). 

The concept of culture as “homogenous and patterned” and attempts to totalize culture “from one small community into a country and even a continent” has led missiologists to an exaggerated focus on understanding and changing worldview (Yip, 2014, p. 401). Globalization has led to a view of cultures as fragmented and non-discrete, overlapping each other resulting in a lack of clear-cut boundaries (Yip, 2014, p. 403). Postmodern missiologies are needed that focus on the multicultural and diasporic (Yip, 2014, p. 403). A helpful anthropology of religion is bricolage – that a person’s beliefs are a loose assortment of diverse sources (Vroom, 2003, p. 74). Based on postmodern concepts of instrumentalism and idealism, a missiology can be formed that recognizes the limitations to scientifically knowing the cultural “other” whether such a reality exists (Hiebert, 1999, p. 51,37,38). Yip’s (2014) polythetic and progressive contextualization helpfully recognizes the variations and exceptions present in any culture (p. 408). This approach recognizes the presence of diverse subgroups within a culture as well as its constant mutation (p. 409). 

Another helpful suggestion for missiology within a global community constantly in flux is that the field of study be placed within applied theology (Rynkiewich, 2020, p. 336). This subfield sees to “utilize anthropological knowledge and skill for practical human needs” (Luzbetak, 1988, p. 34). By observing applied anthropology in other fields such as medicine, missiologists can identify different critical phases (Rynkiewich, 2020, p. 341). Medical anthropology progressed from assuming that culture was the problem to the people are the problem. Finally, the conclusion was reached that we are the problem (Rynkiewich, 2020, p. 338). The first two phases can be seen in missiology up to present, but not the third critical phase, that we are the problem (Rynkievich, 2020, p. 340-1). Returning to Yip’s (2013) polythetic and progressive contextualization approach, postmodern missions training should focus on teaching research methods and data analysis (Rynkiewich, 2020, p. 343-4). Challenges to contextualization include migration, cultural hybridity, multilingualism, and multiculturalism (Rynkiewich, 2020, p. 345), all of which require a missiology focused on constant inquiry and adjustment of theory and praxis. 

References

Colson, Elizabeth (1976). Culture and progress. American Anthropologist, 78:261-71.

Evans-Pritchard, E.E. (1972). Religion and the anthropologists. Practical Anthropology, 19:193-206. (Originally published in Blackfriars 41[480]:104-18, April 1960.)

Hiebert, P.G. (1999) Missiological Implications of Epistemological Shifts. Trinity Press International.

Horton, Robin. 1971. African conversion. Africa 41.

Luzbetak, Louis J. (1988). The Church and Cultures: New Perspectives in Missiological Anthropology. Orbis Books

Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1952). “Religion and society,” in Structure and function in primitive society. Edited by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Free Press.

Rynkiewich, Michael A. (2020). The Challenge of Teaching Mission in an Increasingly Mobile and Complex World. International Bulletin of Mission Research, Vol. 44(4) 

Salamone, Frank A. (1977). Anthropologists and missionaries: Competition or reciprocity? Human Organization, 36.

Stipe, Claude E. (1980). Anthropologists versus Missionaries: The Influence of Presuppositions. Current Anthropology, Vol. 21, No. 2

Vroom, H.M. (2003). Bricolage and fullness: on multiple participation. In Daneel I, Engen C Van

and Vroom HM (eds) Fullness of Life for All: Challenges for Mission in Early 21st Century. Rodopi

Yip, George (2014). The contour of a post- postmodern missiology. Missiology: An International Review, Vol. 42(4)

The Forgotten History of the Asian Church

I have been aware that Christianity emerged through interaction with existing cultural and political systems. However, most of my study has been on the influence of Western culture and politics on Christianity. But looking at the development of the church from 1st to 7th centuries outside the West reveals other directions Christian doctrine and practice can take. East Syrian Christianity was dominant in Asia – though not tolerated by the church of the Roman Empire – and West Syrian Christians were dominant in Africa (Cooper, 2016, p. 13). These different branches of Christianity emphasized their differences rather than what they had in common. The most foundational point of contention was interpreting how Christ’s humanity and divinity related to each other (Cooper, 2016, p. 13). As we think of evangelism today, diverse forms of global Christianity should spend more energy seeking consensus that reasons to not collaborate. 

I was unaware of the interaction of Christianity with other religions outside the West. Christianity experienced intense challenges from other religions in Asia where it originated (Cooper, 2016, p. 15). By the fourth century, Christianity was thriving in several parts of the Middle East (p. 20). More theological diversity existed in Middle Eastern Christianity compared to Byzantine, Constantine’s chosen capital which became the core of church doctrine and practice (p. 17, 21). Christianity in Central and Eastern Asia was arguably “the most evangelistic of any tradition in the early and medieval church”. Unfortunately, the study of early Christianity in these regions is “still in its infancy” (p. 23). 

Although the legacy of the church’s political privilege in the West after Constantine is ambiguous, the consensus is that it helped Christianity’s survival in the region. In contrast, because Chinese Christianity was attached to the court of the Tang dynasty, it did not survive the transition to the Sung dynasty (Cooper, p. 25). Christianity spread to Africa by second half of first century, producing some of the most important Christian figures and writings (p. 28). Before 7th century Muslim invasion, several African kingdoms adopted Christianity as the official religion (p. 29,33). Bur the Ethiopian church was allowed a level of freedom by Islamic conquerors (Cooper, 2016, p. 34). The history of non-Western Christianity yields a richer resource for learning to share the gospel in our pluralistic world. These early brothers and sisters had to negotiate the expression of their faith in Christ often from the margins of society or as diplomatic emissaries. 

Because of unfamiliar terms such as Nestorian and Jacobite, we can perceive the Eastern and African churches as obscure sects of “alien religions” instead of vibrant streams of Christian faith (Jenkins, 2008, p. 20). It is well known that the spread of Christianity to the West was facilitated by Roman roads and defended sea routes as well as the widely spoken Greek and Latin languages. But the lands east and northeast of Jerusalem also had familiar trade routes, leading through Syria, Mesopotamia, to the far East (p. 21). Although the history of Christianity in Western Europe is more familiar to most, Jerusalem is closer to Central Asia than France (p. 22). The church-state alliance in Rome and Constantinople created persecution of Christians living under the rule of the rival Persian superpower (p. 23). But operating outside the purvey of Rome was beneficial for Christian sects condemned by the Catholic and Orthodox establishments. So other Christians living on the frontiers of the Empire had to flee to peripheral regions that became “fertile territory for religious innovation and interaction”. The Nestorians and Jacobites in Asia were two alternative churches that rivaled the Orthodoxy of Constantinople. The Persian Empire was happy to protect these “potential enemies to Roman power”, and. Nestorian missionaries had success in China and India (p. 23, 26-7). In the post-Christian West, the church can learn much from early non-Western Christianity on how to live out our faith from a place of humble witness. When cultural and political powers oppose the spread of Christianity, cultivating the art of religious diplomacy and dialogue can make survival, even flourishing, possible. 

Each Christian tradition that emerged offered their adherents experiences that appealed to the senses, with Monasticism as the highest form of spirituality (Jenkins, 2008, p. 29). Mystical practice, however, declined in the West as the institutional church grew in the Roman Empire (p. 29). The Eastern churches opposed dependence on mere human reason, although they were enthusiastic about learning (p. 30). Eastern Christian scholars admired and credited the contributions of other cultures, and they highly influenced emerging Islamic science and philosophy (p. 31). Whereas Roman and Byzantine Christianity adapted to mainstream culture distancing itself from Semitic roots, Eastern Christianity was “founded in a Semitic tradition” closer to the apostles (p. 32). The latter were keenly aware that Biblical events had occurred in the part of the world where they lived (p. 33). The Eastern churches had to engage with diverse cultures and religions which they accommodated in various ways and degrees. There Buddhist and Christian monasteries were often located next door to each other, and often collaborated. Contrary to popular conceptions, the written record of Eastern Christianity shows a conservative approach to Scripture and a “distinctively Christian message”, despite drawing upon interactions with Buddhism and Islam (p. 35). 

I believe that recuperating the diversity of Christian devotion and service is key to making our message more attractive to the world in the third millennium. After 2000 years of church history, many adherents of diverse Christian traditions are fatigued with the rote practice and doctrine they have grown to take for granted. As we discover the variety in the historical body of Christ, I believe we will be inspired to express the vision of his kingdom in innovative and compelling ways. 

References

Cooper, D. (2016). Introduction to World Christian History. IVP Academic.

Jenkins, Philip. (2008). The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia—And How It Died. Harper Collins.

How the Church Grew Without Evangelism and Missions?

The “Patient Ferment” of Early Christianity

After Constantine’s conversion in 312 CE, the growth of the church is easy to explain, but not before (Kreider, 2016, p. 9). Up to that decisive point, Christian writings focused on church order with the theme of evangelism practically nonexistent (p. 10). Leadership structure was elaborated but didn’t include apostles or evangelists, and worship services were not used to attract new adherents (p. 10-11). Kreider refers to the mysterious, decentralized, uncoordinated spread of Christianity during that time as “patient ferment” (p. 12). Cyprian, Justin, Origen, and Tertulian emphasized the effectiveness of Christian witness as depending on their lifestyle, how their patience intrigues and attracts people to faith (p. 14-29). 

The growth of Christianity was more accelerated, whose characteristic patience became degraded (p. 245, 251). Constantine “Christianized” the law, but without abandoning his “unreformed habitus” (p. 263.1-2). Ge governed according to the traditional Roman approach, favoring the church and suppressing dissidents (p. 267, 269). Constantine offered Christians control over missions endeavors (p. 274), power of state for conversion (p. 275) and suppression of dissidence (276). And the emperor was in a hurry to implement these changes to Christian practice (277). 

By the 4th century, “the papacy and the imperial court seemed wobbly” and Augustine (354-430) felt “out of control” (p. 281). Augustine failed to see the corrective in the Christian habitus of patience to Roman habitus of impatience (p. 290), Augustine shifted focus in his teaching emphasizing the inward Christian life rather than on praxis (p. 290). In the 5th century Augustine’s increased anxiety leads him to shift hears encouraging political powers to use “top-down methods for Christian ends” (p. 295). 

Rewiring the Convert’s “Habitus”

While after Constantine’s conversion Christianity offered social benefits, before this catechesis and worship were the two means Christian communities sought to rewire convert’s habitus (p. 41). This term refers to the deeper motivator linked to socioeconomic and psychological realities coined by Pierre Bourdieu, “corporeal knowledge” we carry in our bodies (39.2). 

The heroic witness of Christian victims of persecution before the reign of Constantine demonstrate that they had allegiances that didn’t fit the Roman structure (p. 45). The Christians were of different social classes (p. 46). They could not control their surrounding circumstances but “they could be themselves” (p. 47). Christians used public persecution as an opportunity to witness to crowds regarding impending judgement (p. 48). Thus, such heroic Christian habitus was transmitted through role models who embodied the message (p. 50). Habitus was transmitted in the repetition of powerful phrases for context of suffering (p. 50), and the kinesthetic effects of worship (p. 51). 

In the Roman world during the emergence of Christianity, private associations provided adherents with face-to-face relationships and sense of participation and responsibility (p. 52). These associations “sustained the life of local people” and “formed their habitus” (p. 56). Christianity offered an alternative association which offered some preferable conditions (p. 56). Contribution was voluntary and members saw themselves as a family which transcended gender and class boundaries (p. 59). However, Christian associations were secretive, leading to rumors of “cannibalism and sexual license” (p. 58). 

The growth of Christianity before Constantine happened despite a lack of planning and control (p. 74). They believed God’s sovereignty was involved, and thus didn’t seek to discern and record strategic insights. Christians prioritized developing Christian habitus over evangelism, and believed the main agents of change were marginal members of society – the humble and anonymous (p. 74). Even during this period, however, increased numbers led to a degradation of habitus which precipitated more vigorous preaching and catechization (p. 125). Evangelization shifted in some contexts from the witness of the community to that of individual piety of monks (p. 126). Inflated communities led to a greater presence of lukewarm members (p. 135), and full meals were replaced by symbolic liturgies (p. 136). 

Is Christian Habitus Attractive Today?

In my context of secular, nominally Roman Catholic Latin Europe – Portugal, Spain, and Italy – a focus on Christian practice versus doctrine has been an emphasis for some time now. The Catholic Church has taken strides to emphasize involvement in social justice and assistance of the poor. I have been impressed by the number of social projects that are present in the dioceses in the Lisbon metro area. 

At the same time, my informal inquiries inform me that the number of young Portuguese Catholics doing formal catechism is low. Much more popular are small group models like Alpha Course which has been used to introduce many nominal churchgoers to a deeper understanding of the faith. 

The pre-Constantine Christian emphasis on the habitus of the humble and anonymous as the primary evangelistic strategy can be restored as part of Catholic tradition. Within the Catholic Church the hierarchy’s influence is powerful and evident. But in the wider secular society, the witness of servant-hearted Christians who seek the common good is a welcome change. The predominant caricature of the church is an institution only concerned with defending the leverage of its doctrinal positions on issues such as abortion, same-sex marriage, and Christian religious supremacy. 

References

Kreider, Alan. (2016). The Patient Ferment of the Early Church: The Improbable Rise of Christianity in the Roman Empire. Baker Academic.

Downtrodden Victims or Resilient Adaptors?

Intent and Purpose of Shaw’s Study of Oxford Pakistanis

Alison Shaw (2000) seeks to counter any notion that Pakistani immigrants in Oxford, England are fundamentally “the downtrodden victims of political, economic and social processes beyond their control” (p. 3). On the contrary, evidence is given that these immigrants are flexible and resilient in adapting to the “structural and cultural resources” they find in Britain. With these assets, Pakistanis have improvised and constructed their lives “on their own terms”. Shaw’s (2000) goal is to demonstrate “both continuity and change” in the experience of this community. Coming from rural agrarian contexts, these immigrants are confronted with the contrasts of industrial urban life. But they adapt “quite easily” to these material changes, proving quite capable of maintaining their traditional beliefs and values (p. 3-4). 

Shaw (2000) gives particular attention to perceptions in Brittain of Pakistani women – now in their third generation – versus the reality of their lives (p. 5). In the West, an emphasis on duty is generally seen as detracting from individual freedom. But even the younger generation of Pakistani immigrants values “advantages and satisfactions” that accompany duty (p. 7-8). 

Contrary to generalizations in Brittain regarding South Asian immigrants, Shaw’s (2000) research indicates this community’s significant internal diversity. Shaw (2000) argues that seeing them as a “homogenous group with a common culture” complies with the political agenda of a white majority concerted about competition for resources (p. 10). These Pakistanis identify their native culture, including their ancestral region, caste, or linguistic group. But they come to identify with much of British culture as well. The aspect of a Pakistani’s identity that is emphasized in each moment – “whether it is more or less exclusive” – depends on the context (p. 10).

How Kinship Influences Behavior and Attitudes 

Family structure allowed the first generation of Pakistani migration, for a man’s parents could be trusted to take care of his wife and children as he went abroad. Families would encourage this type of arrangement for the benefit of remittances that would benefit immediate kin at home (Shaw, 2000, p. 23). Chain migrationrefers to the practice of relatives pooling cash to sponsor one man who would in turn facilitate the way for his kinsmen. This help would include finding housing and employment, resulting in a cluster of related men from the same region of Pakistan (p. 27). This practice mitigated against the high probability of South Asians being rejected by white English landlords (p. 40). 

For the first several years, multi-occupational lodgings were the most common arrangement for male Pakistani immigrants (p. 42). When housing was purchased by Pakistanis, it was often through relatives pooling their resources. And these kinship groups also embarked upon partnerships in business, even offering interest-free loans or participating in rotating credit associations (p. 51). In ancestral Pakistani communities, relatives tended to live in adjacent dwellings and villages were formed by kinship groups (p. 69). At the end of the 19th century, the British built villages where Muslim, Hindu and Sikh colonizers were incentivized to settle in sections according to their cast (p. 71).

How Gender Influences Behavior and Attitudes 

The premium placed on female virginity at marriage has numerous effects upon how young men and women relate to peers, their education, and marriage (Shaw, 2000, p. 168). Sons receive far more leniency in general from their parents, having fewer domestic responsibilities and spending most leisure time outside the home (p. 168). Socially acceptable activities for sons include helping their father’s business, frequenting the mosque, or spending time with other young men. These colleagues may be of diverse ethnic backgrounds: other South Asians, English, or Afro-Caribbeans (p. 168). And though Pakistani parents do not closely monitor their sons’ activities, the latter are expected to keep an eye on their sisters (p. 168). 

A daughter’s responsibilities have direct bearing upon the reputation of the men in her family. This means men must defend the honor of the women in their family, whether it be their own misbehavior or any affront they may suffer (Shaw, 2000, p. 169). An implicit double-standard often exists for Pakistani men in relation to sexual promiscuity. While women in their family are expected to be chaste, all women outside a man’s family can be seen as potential sexual partners (p. 169). Pakistani men who date English girls often do not see this as disobedience to the expectation that they will eventually accept an arranged marriage. English girls are outside Pakistani cultural norms related to marriage and are therefore considered “sexually available” (p. 170). 

Daughters have increasingly negotiated permission from their parents to pursue higher education and the development of careers outside the home (Shaw, 2000, p. 179). Such negotiations involve a daughter’s commitment to fulfilling the traditional duties of a wife in the future. And once a Pakistani daughter is married, families increasingly see her ability to make a good income outside the home as helpful to the success of the marriage (p. 179). 

How Marriage Influences Behavior and Attitudes 

Despite fascination in British society over the punishment of Pakistani daughters who elope with white men, Shaw’s (2000) research only found such cases involving other Pakistanis, South Asians, or Muslim men (p. 161-2). Elopements by Pakistani sons and daughters may lead to the complete severing of ties with family. Girls who do not honor marriage norms – such as finding a husband within their caste or family circles – are seen as denying their fathers the privilege of giving them away respectfully. But young people who reject arranged marriages usually don’t see this as a “wholesale rejection” of traditional values in favor of Western ones. Rather, these Pakistani youth see their actions as an “attempt at reform from within” (p. 185, 186, 189).

How Gift-Giving Influences Behavior and Attitudes 

Married women follow the traditional custom of playing the major role in sustaining the relationships of “informal reciprocity” as well as formal relationships of “gift exchange between households” (Shaw, 2000, p. 227-8). The practice of gift giving is a feature of a wife’s engagement in rituals and events of the domestic life cycle (p. 228). Gifts given at weddings, birthday parties, or dinner invitations involve some “expectation of return” (p. 228). Types of gifts are considered appropriate for specific occasions, such as sweets for the birth of a baby and money for a wedding or when a family will travel abroad (p. 238, 241). 

Both Pakistani men and women understand that these types of gifts will result in similar help from the community when the occasion arises for them (p. 241). This can be described as a form of “rotating credit, though with a less predictably timed outcome” (p. 241). Reciprocities like these exert a form of “social and moral control” as a means for evaluating the status of an individual or household (p. 256). And the occasions in which gift giving takes place are also the context for “exchange of news and gossip”, not merely on banalities but important matters such as marriage prospects or disputes in the mosque (p. 256). 

Conclusion

Shaw (2000) effectively demonstrates that Pakistani immigrants in Oxford, England preserve much individual and collective agency while engaging the majority culture. They would not have come to England from their ancestral lands if they did not believe there would be significant social and material benefits. Indeed, they were acquainted with British culture through colonialism. This meant that Pakistanis coming to the Empire’s headquarters were well-informed on much of what they would face. These immigrants counted the cost and demonstrated organization and strategical ingenuity at every step of their transition to life in Britain. Shaw’s (2000) study leaves one wondering who influenced the other more culturally – the British upon the colonized Pakistanis, or vice versa. And in the decadence of Western culture due to an overemphasis on individualism, one wonders how increasingly attractive and influential collectivist South Asian cultures will become.

References

Alison Shaw. (2000). Kinship and Continuity: Pakistani Families in Britain. Routledge. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=sso&db=nlebk&AN=696804&authtype=sso&custid=s6133893&site=ehost-live&custid=s6133893

Do the Most Successful Immigrants Assimilate or Negotiate?

In Kinship and Continuity , Alison Shaw (2000) studies how Pakistani immigrants to Oxford, England preserve their culture while adapting in many creative ways to their new context. This work counters many of the troupes common in the West regarding immigrant communities. On the one hand, these groups are often seen as either immutably “stuck” in their traditional ways, causing lack of integration and development. The corollary to this perspective is that immigrants that assimilate most comprehensively bear the most benefits of the modern Western world. But Shaw’s (2000) work indicates a much more complex and nuanced reality, showing how cultural enclaves develop creative hybridity. 

Immigrant Communities in Portugal Today

The insights from Shaw’s (2000) study  indicate several possible applications  for the multicultural Lisbon metro area where I live. It is important to recognize  “general restlessness” and “desire for social advancement” generated by colonialism among immigrant communities (p. 25). A 2023 study showed the number of foreigners living in Portugal had doubled over the past decade, significantly impacting demographics (Foreign Population in Portugal Sees Dramatic Rise, n.d.). The jobless rate for foreigners is almost twice as much as the national average, and nearly a third of immigrants live in conditions of “poverty or social exclusion”. On the other hand, one third of all graduate students at the doctoral level are immigrants (Foreign Population in Portugal Sees Dramatic Rise, n.d.). 

A 2024 study indicates that in the Lisbon metropolitan area 43% of the population is from an immigrant background with 41% being first-generation residents (Monteiro, 2024). As a whole, the country has an exceptionally high percentage of repatriated immigrants, with 63% being ethnic Portuguese. These entered the country by way of family reunification or having come with their parents when they were children (Monteiro, 2024). Besides these, a 2021 study showed that the largest group of immigrants was Brazilians at 25.6% followed, by Portuguese speaking African countries at 9.2% (Imigração e emigração em Portugal | Eurocid – Informação europeia ao cidadão, n.d.). 

On the other hand, the flow of native Portuguese emigrants remains high, with other E.U. countries being the primary destinations (Vidigal & Pires, n.d.). And Portuguese moving overseas tend to be the empowered and upwardly mobile. 47.6% of  emigrants have higher education degrees, and 66% are men (Foreign Population in Portugal Sees Dramatic Rise, n.d.). 

What Cultural Hybridity Teaches us About Immigrant Communities

Shaw’s (2000) analysis demonstrates how Pakistanis coming to Oxford were neither mere pawns of international labor nor fully autonomous agents (p. 38). While these immigrants were subject to wider economic and political forces, they acted upon their own aspirations and principles (p. 38). For the families that grew up, socio-economic circumstances changed for the better. In part this depended on adapting traditional forms of family organization. Some women took up work outside the home while also fulfilling the role of maintaining community ties which they traditionally held (Shaw, 2000, p. 68, 227-8).

Shaw (2000) also describes the conversion of the Isai, known within Hinduism as untouchables (p. 79). This phenomena is relevant to the evangelization of immigrant communities in Lisbon by Evangelicals. The Isai were latrine cleaners in Pakistan but were considered equal to all brethren in a Christian worldview. However, evangelism targeting groups of marginal status must consider whether religious change is tied to material and social ambitions. This can  undermine the unity of  church community where doubts arise regarding its members motivation to convert. Evangelistic efforts that target the marginalized of society can be seen as exploitative, with new proselytes being the goal of the first party and new social status being the goal of the second party. On the other hand, liberation theology would argue that converting to Christianity that hopes for social and material betterment is not a contradiction of interests. 

The renegotiation of caste among Pakistani immigrants in Oxford is an example of intersectionality causing hybridity, rather than mere assimilation (Shaw, 2000, p. 113-115). Property ownership and business enterprise allowed some men of “low caste or middle-ranking landowning backgrounds” to exceed high caste men financially. But this does not amount to caste being “shrugged off as irrelevant” (p. 114). Rather, the rankings are renegotiated regarding “which caste fits each Brod category” related to occupation and wealth (p. 115). I believe that in this regard Pakistani immigrants in Oxford will increasingly assimilate to egalitarian Western views of individual status. The strength of Enlightenment notions of human freedom without reference to outside authorities may not eliminate caste but it will most likely alter it. This type of renegotiation of cultural concepts is helpful in majority Catholic Lisbon as young people intermarry with other religious traditions. The legacy of racism towards African immigrants in Portugal is an unfortunate legacy of colonialism. However, Africans who are devout Catholics experience an intersection of race and religion where the latter benefits them socially. Inversely, a significant percentage of Brazilian immigrants are Evangelical, which can hurt them socially. Even though many of these Brazilian Evangelicals share a close ethnic matrix with the Portuguese, their religious affiliation creates a cultural barrier. Recognizing these dynamics of intersectionality and being able to dialogue openly about them is helpful for interfaith relations and evangelism. 

Shaw (2000) emphasizes the constant change undergone by constellations of culture including “social structures, economic activities, religious beliefs, health beliefs, and so on” (p. 290). The sum of these phenomena can inadequately be referred to as “ethnic” attempting an “overall explanation of difference” which ignores constant internal change (p. 290). Shaw (2000) seeks to demonstrate that what characterizes and defines a group “may alter over time as circumstances change (p. 290). I feel this is adequately demonstrated by the Pakistani-Oxford immigration study. Several aspects of their cultural constellation are seen to be preservable and adaptable in ways that affect the immigrant, the host community, as well as the sending community. 

Shaw’s (2000) research shows how Pakistani immigrants weigh their interests in ways that permit changes within traditional social structures while adapting to new circumstances (p. 293). This is an alternative to assimilation to Western individualistic values, which I believe the Pakistanis can sustain in the future. On the other hand, the Pakistanis will have to accommodate to the limits of modern Britain’s doctrine of multiculturalism. As Shaw observes, “Protection of, and respect for, minority values and customs does not extend to ideas and practices that contradict civil rights (p. 295).

Lastly, I see potential in the tendency of Pakistani immigrants’ “turning to Islam as a more significant source of identity than ethnicity” for its universal appeal (Shaw, 2000, p. 300). In the process, however, they are challenging traditional Islamic practices in search of innovations that fit their own goals and values. Their creativity is impressively able to do so while articulating faithfulness to Islamic doctrine (p. 300). This approach can serve as a positive model for Evangelical immigrants to majority Catholic Portugal who want to maintain their faith tradition while seeking to be relevant. Traditionally, Evangelical missions in Portugal have yielded humble results, especially in terms of conversions among native Portuguese. Examples of immigrants who are able to adapt their religious practice to a new environment in search of greater compatibility and relevance are inspiring. Even more so when such innovation streams from a genuine sense of lessons leaned from the “host” culture, rather than simple a means to subversively manipulate it for individual gains. 

References

Foreign Population in Portugal Sees Dramatic Rise. (n.d.). Retrieved September 19, 2024, from https://etias.com/articles/portugal-foreign-population-growth-2023

Imigração e emigração em Portugal | Eurocid—Informação europeia ao cidadão. (n.d.). Retrieved September 19, 2024, from http://eurocid.mne.gov.pt/artigos/imigracao-e-emigracao-em-portugal

Monteiro, C. (2024, April 16). Migração: Factos e Números 2024. EAPN. https://www.eapn.pt/centro-de-documentacao/migracao-factos-e-numeros-2024/

Vidigal, I., & Pires, R. P. (n.d.). Portuguese emigration: Trends and forecasts.

What Ancient Societies Teach us about Giving?

Can Contemporary Societies Learn from Ancient Economic Systems

            The Gift is as an excerpt from Marcel Mauss’ (2000) studies of economic systems in primitive societies (p. 3). Among diverse social phenomenon, the book addresses the question “What rule of legality and self-interest, in societies of a backward or archaic type, compels the gift that has been received to be obligatorily reciprocated” (Mauss, 2000, p. 4). Mauss (2000) contends that the market is a human phenomenon common to all societies, but with differing systems (p. 5). Mauss seeks to explore how the market functioned before modern forms of contract and sale to shed light on how primordial forms of “morality and organization still function in our own societies”. It is hoped that this inquiry may yield helpful conclusions regarding contemporary challenges related to modern economic systems (Mauss, 2000, p. 5). By exploring “primitive” economic institutions still extant today, we can better understand how our modern societies developed (Mauss, 2000, p. 60). Indeed, Mauss (2000) intends to show how modern systems of law and economies emerged from archaic ones (p. 61). 

Examples of “Archaic” or “Primitive” Societies and Activities

            In ancient Germanic societies, a system of exchange was “clearly defined and well developed” by which clans, tribes, and kings made and maintained alliances (p. 77-8). The obligation to reciprocate was known as the angebinde, and the term gaben refers to gifts given on special occasions that the whole village participated (p. 78). Transactions resulted in each part possessing something of the other, creating a bond by virtue of the inherent power of the object (p. 79). The significance of this obligation is expressed in the fact that diverse Germanic languages have a term for gift that also implies poison (p. 81). A ubiquitous theme in Germanic folklore is the “fatal gift, the present or item of property that is changed into poison” (p. 81). 

In classical Hindu societies, the danadharma – “law of the gift” – determined the duty of giving among the elite Brahmin class (Mauss, 2000, p. 70). A gift generates an equivalent reward for the giver in this life and an increased reward in the next life (Mauss, 2000, p. 72). Gifts are personified as “living creatures with whom one enters into a dialogue”, who desire to be given away and with whom an agreement is established (Mauss, 2000, p. 72). A Brahmin’s property is identified with himself, which can visit harm upon a transgressor (Mauss, 2000, p. 73). Many sanctions exist related to gift giving, such as being directed to another member of the Brahmin caste (p. 73). Brahmins take care to avoid residual benefits from receiving a gift because this makes him dependent on the donor, which would be demeaning (p. 75-6). Thus, “all kinds of archaic precautions are taken” so that “no error is committed” in the gift giving (p. 77). 

            In traditional Chinese law, an unalterable link exists between a think and its original owner (p. 81). Therefore, even after an item has been passed on, a contracted alliance puts the giver or seller and receiver or buyer in “perpetual dependence towards one another” (p. 82). 

Promising Paradigms from Antiquity for Modern Economic Systems

            Mauss sees as “fortunate” the fact that the “atmosphere of the gift” still exists in modern societies, so that everything is not defined in terms of “buying and selling” (p. 83). By analyzing ancient societies, Mauss seeks to demonstrate that charity is still “wounding for him who has accepted it”, “we must give back more than we have received”, and “things sold still have soul” (p. 83-4). The Gift argues that the “old principles react against the rigor, abstraction, and inhumanity” of modern legal codes (p. 85), and contemporary social security schemes represent attempts to return to a “group morality” (p. 87). Mauss promotes such a new morality as consisting of a “moderate blend of reality and the ideal”, amounting to a return to elements of archaic society (p. 88). Listed among the benefits of such a proposal are joy in public giving, generous sponsorship of the arts, hospitality, and private and public celebrations (p. 89). 

            Mauss advocates for a return to a time when man was not a calculating, utilitarian machine (p. 98). The most beneficial economy is not to be found in the “calculation of individual needs” which ends up harming the peace of all, ultimately rebounding upon the individual themself (p. 98). Only by considering society as an integral entity can we perceive what is essential (p. 102). The progress of societies has depended on their success in “stabilizing relationships, giving, receiving, and finally, giving in return” (p. 105). This positive development has occurred as far as societies, subgroups, and individuals succeeded in “stabilizing relationships, giving, receiving, and finally, giving in return” (p. 105). 

            Ancient economic systems teach us that societies built of clans, tribes, and elites can learn to “oppose and to give to one another without sacrificing themselves to one another” (p. 106). The principles of wisdom and solidarity found in the ancient societies Mauss’ studied represent a primordial morality for economic systems (p. 106). Mauss sees the possibility of recovering a balance of both individual and common endeavor as well as the accumulation and redistribution of wealth. Such harmony is possible only through a society-wide education program that encourages “mutual respect and reciprocating generosity” (p. 106). Mauss’ defends the value of researching “civics”, i.e., the “aesthetic, moral, religious, and economic motivations”, and “diverse material and demographic factors” which form the shared life of a society (p. 107). 

References

Mauss, M. (2000). The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. Routledge Classics.

Why Giving Causes Tension Among Friends?

Christians consider generosity to be a virtue, meaning something that is freely given and voluntary. But as someone who has served in ministry for the past 3 decades, I’ve seen how tensions between giver and receiver are common. Marcel Mauss’ (2000) The Gift explores cases of lack of gratitude as based on the error of thinking free gifts can exist. For example, a donor should not intend to be exempt from return gifts coming from the receiver. Refusing reciprocation places gift giving outside the possibility of mutual connection. In this text I comment briefly on how Mauss’ work can be applied to missionary service. 

Mauss’ (2000) anthropological research on gift giving in archaic societies and its relevance to contemporary economic systems has interesting applications to my work as a missionary. Specifically, I find Mauss’ work relevant to the challenge missionaries face today in light of postcolonialism. Willie Jennings (2010) descries the arrogant and egotistical approach to giving and receiving of Western missions during colonialism: 

Adaptability, fluidity, formation, and reformation of being were heavily weighted on the side of indigenes as their requirement for survival. As Christianity developed both in the old world of Europe and in the new worlds of the

Americas, Asia, and Africa, it was no longer able to feel this tragic imbalance. Indeed, it is as though Christianity, wherever it went in the modern colonies, inverted its sense of hospitality. It claimed to be the host, the owner of the spaces it entered, and demanded native peoples enter its cultural logics, its ways of being in the world, and its conceptualities. (p. 8)

The legacy of Western missions is ambiguous, the negative aspects of which I am unavoidably connected. In relation to Mauss’ work, one such liability lies in the church’s posture as host and owner even as it invaded the homelands of ancient peoples. I do not subscribe to a notion of a noble savage or pristine indigenous societies that were not connected to their own histories of ethnic competition, conquest, displacement, and genocide. However, I do believe part of missionaries’ task of addressing our colonial past is re-articulating a Christian vision of economic systems. In this endeavor, Mauss’ (2000) work is helpful. 

According to Greene (2024), gift giving is an essential aspect of social relations, involving three types of reciprocity: generalized (based on assumption that immediate return isn’t expected), balanced (explicit expectation of equivalent return near future), and negative (intentionally getting something for nothing such as gabling or cheating). 

Mauss (2000) describes some of the archaic economic systems he studied as existing prior to the emergence of societies where man was turned into a calculating, utilitarian machine (p. 98). In these ancient societies consisting of various groups, alliances were established and maintained through systems of exchange. Through transactions both parties accepted mutual obligation because of the inherent power resident in specific objects. According to Mauss, these primitive economies reflect a vision of society as an integral entity. In such a society, success depends on stabilizing relationships rather than each individual pursuing their own ends (p. 78,78, 98). However, Mauss’ may be critiqued for selecting societies to prove his theory and for portraying them in a naive, idyllic manner (Greene, 2024). 

Mauss (2000) envisions a return to ancient economic systems where both individual and group objectives are balanced and where accumulated wealth is redistributed (p. 106). I promote interfaith dialogue and partnership as a central aspect of postsupersessionist missions. Therefore, Mauss’ work on gift giving yields helpful principles related to intergroup partnership. Postsupersessionist missions involves identifying ourselves as pilgrims and witnesses rather than the exclusive people of God. This exclusivity was a central part of supersessionism’s Gentile appropriation of biblical promises and callings uniquely attributed to the Jews. It is not incorrect for the church to affirm its identity as the people of God. But Christianity’s association with Western imperialism and colonialism creates a need for language that repudiates the sordid legacy of these political and religious phenomena. I suggest the use of terms such as pilgrims, witnesses, and disciples to describe Christian groups. The concept of divine election should be treated as a mystery to be reflected upon within the church rather than a badge visible to outsiders. I believe the election of the Jewish people and the church of Christ is a biblical doctrine that should not be rejected. However, the concept of election is not meant to give groups ideas of superiority and inspire practices of exclusion. 

Mauss’ (2000) vision of society-wide education that fosters reciprocal respect and generosity can inform Christian endeavors to promote the role of interfaith dialogue in missions practice. Missiologists do well to study civics, which Mauss describes as a society’s “aesthetic, moral, religious, and economic motivations”, as well as “diverse material and demographic factors”. Surely such anthropological and sociological research can help the church become part of a shared project of societal development (Mauss, 2000, p. 107).  

References

Greene, Katrina (2024). Introductory Videos: Fall 2024: Social Anthropology ISAN751-01. (n.d.). Retrieved September 12, 2024, from https://biola.instructure.com/courses/58516/pages/introductory-videos?module_item_id=1167199

Jennings, W. J. (2010). The Christian imagination: Theology and the origins of race. Yale University Press; 

Mauss, M. (2000). The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. Routledge Classics.

Learning Through Problem Solving

Problem bases learning (PBL) often begins with a case study that groups work through, trying to solve a problem. The case study can be contextualized for the audience, such as a problem they might face in their setting. This involves discussion, being willing to share ideas with others, being willing to question and explore ideas, and coming to conclusions. My study begins with a brief overview of PBL, extracting some of its fruitful and complex aspects for intercultural application. As a missionary in Portugal, I share some general findings regarding PBL’s reception here where its main application has been higher education. 

My area of service in Portugal is ecumenical post-supersessionist (PS) advocacy. The Society for Post-Supersessionist Theology describes PS as “a family of theological perspectives that affirms God’s irrevocable covenant with the Jewish people as a central and coherent part of ecclesial teaching” (Society for Post-Supersessionist Theology | Jewish-Christian Relations, n.d.). PS advocacy is described as seeking “to overcome understandings of the New Covenant that entail the abrogation or obsolescence of God’s covenant with the Jewish people, of the Torah as a demarcator of Jewish communal identity, or of the Jewish people themselves” (Society for Post-Supersessionist Theology | Jewish-Christian Relations, n.d.). 

I conclude with insights and recommendations concerning the use of PBL in my work in Portugal. I consider the most daunting obstacle to PS advocacy in this context is the almost complete lack of awareness of the need. I find little evidence that Catholic leadership and laity in Portugal see supersessionism as a major problem causing consequences today. However, articulating PS advocacy in terms of problems to solve could be highly persuasive in this context. The predominantly Catholic population, and particularly its leadership, have many motives for desiring the outcomes PS advocacy purports to achieve. Most significantly, PS advocacy offers to restore the identity of the church as a community of intergroup reconciliation versus its caricature as an institution of bigotry and repression. 

            PBL offers an outsider such as me the opportunity to deal with problems in a foreign context as a facilitator of discussion, not an accuser. Its emphasis on practical real-life situations helps generate interest and is useful for teaching heterogeneous groups work together. The facilitator must explain that learning is demonstrated in the ability to participate constructively in dialogue, not in showing how much you know. In addressing the problem of supersessionism, PBL requires participants to learn understand and communicate within the paradigms of other cultural worldviews. Most significant in this case are the following interlocutors: Portuguese Catholics, Jews, and Messianic jews. The latter are the most natural dialogue partners, present as a potential dialogue partner only since the emergence of the Messianic Jewish movement in the mid 20th century. The need to engage emotional involvement in PBL participants in Portugal with PS related problems is most effectively met by a compelling telling of the consequences of supersessionism as experienced by the Jews. 

            PBL meets with cultural compatibility in Portugal in its egalitarian nature but must respect conservative values in the sphere of education. The Academy in this nation stills sees a liberal arts education as involving the ethical and epistemological formation of students. Relegating the teacher to merely an arbiter of the manifestation of students’ latent wisdom and creativity will not be accepted. 

What is Problem Based Learning

         Problem-based learning (PBL) is a pedagogical model that is learner centered and provides occasions for participating in goal-directed inquiry (Nguyen, 2018). The basis for PBL is the notion that “when we solve the many problems we face every day, learning occurs” (Barros & Tamblyn, 1980). Initially applied to medical education in the 1950s, PBL has since been use in diverse fields, primarily teacher education (de Chambeau & Ramlo, 2017). 

Generally, PBL begins by raising a bona fide problem with students, with learning occurring as they attempt to discover solutions (Nguyen, 2018; Hung et al, 2008). Of key importance is situating the learning experience in a genuine context (Barrows, 1994). The syllabus is organized around the framework of problems instead of topics or fields of study (Maggi, 2003, p. 2). Teachers thus perform the function of facilitators instead of dispensers of knowledge, guiding students in their collaborative inquiry and reflection (Wilkerson & Gijselaers, 1996). Students develop the ability to learn independently and assume responsibility for their own investigation (Bell, 2012).

Some General Drawbacks to PBL

            The liabilities of PBL lie mostly in defining the role of teachers, sometimes termed tutors or facilitators as mentioned above. Teachers have less reign over content, they are placed in a more vulnerable position, and their workload is increased (Ribeiro, 2011). Students are likely to complain if the problems they are asked to engage with are so extensive and indefinite that establishing focus and learning goals is impossible within the limits of the course (Hung, Mehl, and Holen, 2013). Research indicates that the more practical the problem cases are, the more motivated the students will be to engage in learning. In cases where students perceive the problem cases as related to real situations they might face, they are more attentive (Nguyen, 2018). 

Research also indicates that if too much detailed instruction is given in a problem-solving exercise, students’ creativity may be stifled (Nguyen, 2018). The teacher should avoid prescribing tasks related to problem cases. Further instruction can be offered by the teacher, but ideally after students have first sought information on their own. The priority is to avoid doing anything that stifles students’ creativity (Nguyen, 2018)

Some Benefits of Applying PBL Across Cultures

Although students tend to prefer working in groups of their own choice and with people like themselves, learning to cooperate with people of diverse profiles helps prepare them for real world situations (Nguyen, 2018). In culturally mixed groups, students are challenged to develop their skills of persuasion, presentation, negotiation, and group work skills (Nguyen, 2018). PBL students who interacted with persons the normally wouldn’t had higher levels of collegial learning because of differences in language and academic preparedness (Singaram et al., 2011). PBL with heterogeneous groups can accelerates a sense of “familiarity and togetherness” that fosters intergroup relations (Singaram et al., 2011). The interaction and social cohesion in PBL develop students’ ability to “adjust and comply with team members in diverse resource constraint environments” Singaram et al., 2011). Students who are used to greater access to resources can learn to comprehend colleagues from contexts where scarcity is a challenge. In general, PBL provides an opportunity for students to learn the need for unity in diversity and the ability to “define their roles and responsibilities” as they navigate intercultural contexts (Singaram et al., 2011).

Some Drawbacks of Applying PBL Across Cultures

Heterogeneous Groups

         Research has indicated some potential cultural pitfalls when using PBL. Participants feel uncomfortable with each other when sufficient ground rules are not laid down (Singaram et al., 2011). Some students resist being placed in heterogeneous groups. “Psychological divisions and past prejudices” often motivate students to segregate themselves into groups of the same culture, which decreases class morale (Singaram et al., 2011). The same can happen along lines of socioeconomic diversity leading to “unequal social status in the group”, leading to “unbalanced discussions, quiet students, withdrawing” (Singaram, et al., 2011). In mixed groups, PBL requires management of dynamics “across culture, languages, race, social class and academic background” (Singaram et al., 2011). It isn’t inappropriate for facilitators to take an active role in forming groups that reflect the right mix of diversity. Criteria for such diversity include race, gender, and academic strength (Singaram et al., 2011). Giving participants learning activities that require them to explore subjects through the eyes of the cultural “other” mitigates against the tendency to self-segregate into same-culture groups (Sweeney et al., 2008).

         Another cultural impediment to successful application of PBL occurs in cultures where speaking is privileged above listening (Remedios et al., 2012). Across cultures, a general tendency of the loss of attention to the role of listening in collaborative learning has been observed. This has been attributed to the global predominance of unidirectional learning through discourse (Remedios et al., 2012). 

Western Versus Non-Western

         International literature on PBL has tended to ignore varying effects on students of different cultural backgrounds (Remedios et al, 2012). In the West where PBL was first developed, the methodology emerged as intensely interactive and requiring substantial group dialogue (Barrows, 1986; Colby, 1986; Nash et al., 1991). PBL generally takes place in small group learning events where participants’ progress is recognized by their disposition to move from the familiar to the unfamiliar and to share their comprehension of complex theory (Remedios et al., 2012). 

         In many non-Western cultures, students are primarily rewarded for the level of knowledge they can demonstrate, not their ability to engage in critical thinking and dialogue. PBL’s dialogical nature has proven to be an impediment to implementation in some Asian cultures (Khoo, 2003; Dixon et al., 1997). Research also indicates that PBL places demands on students to perform cultural speech functions like:

demonstrating the capacity to effectively analyze clinical and theoretical data; performing smooth turn-taking; accepting creative silence; supporting views by reference to existing (even if limited) knowledge; identifying topics where personal/group knowledge may be weak or inadequate (Hawthorne et al., 2004). 

The difficulty of using these skills in PBL exercises is exacerbated for students who are learning in a second language (Remedios et al., 2012). 

         Bakhtin emphasizes the complex nature of dialogue as collaborative and ‘double-voiced’, i.e., negotiating meaning with others (Morson & Emerson, 1990; Schuster, 1985). According to Bakhtin, dialogue involves the gradual appropriation of other’s language, interpreting it through significance found in one’s own personal narrative, motivations, and morality (Morson & Emerson, 1990; Schuster, 1985). This indicates that in cross-cultural PBL applications, students must develop some level of appreciation for linguistic and cultural context to be able to express meanings and cooperate with others (Remedios et al, 2012). But due to the significance of historical, geographical, and linguistic context, the limited understanding of vocabulary and meaning will always be a challenge for cultural outsiders (Remedios et al., 2012). 

         PBL presupposes that individual students be open to learn from and teach fellow students, an ‘egalitarian’ approach where all members are deemed to have valuable contributions to make (Remedios et al., 2012). This assumes that no privilege is to be given to any participant due to age, ability, experience, position, or knowledge (Remedios et al., 2012). This egalitarian approach is more easily applied in Western contexts than in more hierarchical, power-distant cultures (Ott, 2021). Research indicates that participants in PBL whose cultural values impede them from learning from their peers (or some they deem of inferior status) will not receive the full potential benefit (Remedios et al., 2012). Therefore, it is imperative that tutors explain the need to develop cultural literacy skills, such as the ability to perceive the rules of a particular context and navigate accordingly (Schirato & Yell, 2000). 

         Research on PBL in China found that participants tended to value group solidarity and harmony over maximizing results according to the problem being addressed (Walker, 1996). Some participants were found to be reluctant to assert their own opinions of possible solutions as superior to those of others. Most of these Chinese participants spent most of time “deconstructing and clarifying the problem”, working busily on “ordering and making sense of the problem, and relating it to the readings” (Walker, 1996). According to Western standards, the Chinese PBL groups seemed overly polite, ordered, and unemotive. Walker (1996) concludes: 

Current thought in the West, for example, strongly promotes teacher involvement in school decision making, the promotion of constructive conflict and dissolution of hierarchical boundaries. Although such moves may fit evolving norms of practice in Western education systems, their utility may be impeded in Chinese settings by ingrained cultural norms which guide behavior in different directions.

Some General Findings on PBL in Portuguese Context

Shared Protagonism of Teachers and Students       

         The use of PBL in higher education in Portugal has yielded positive results relevant to possible application for my work in PS advocacy. In a study of college students developing grade-school curriculum, participants who were allowed to find “individual paths and possible solutions in a creative, critical and pondered way” progressively showed less concern with the application of “preconceived formulas” (Fragata et al., 2020). Portuguese college students responded positively to becoming active participants in the process of solving “non-routine problems” instead of adopting a passive stance or applying previously used methods (Fragata et al., 2020). 

         My study of Portuguese scholarship on PBL revealed a prevalent perspective that students’ pedagogical protagonism must be balanced with the teachers’ role (Trindade, 2014, p. 47). The general thinking is that university students still need

  1.  to learn to adhere to formal systems of knowledge, 
  2.  to learn new concepts and conventions, 
  3.  and to learn their application before facing the challenge of a new profession. (Trindade, 2014, p. 47). 

An internal debate to Portuguese academics is the point to which teaching contexts where epistemological conflicts arise between students preconceived ideas and culturally validated ideas be left up to students to resolve (Trindade, 2014, p. 48). Portuguese research on PBL also points the potential incoherence related to its goal of stimulating student participation and creativity. This lies in the fact that many students are uncomfortable with PBL, particularly the required dialogue and collaboration. Forcing students to engage in this form of learning seems to contradict the goal of promoting students’ autonomy. This study concluded with the position that a professor is not someone who only removes obstacles and provides resources, facilitating learning and promoting cooperation among students. The professor must also take responsibility for “orienting, challenging, and diagnosing” at the level of planning as well as execution. The study is critical of approaches to teaching that take away all the resources and tools that support “the instructive intensions of professors” (Trindade, 2014). 

         This, however, should not undermine the need for learning projects to be designed for students’ learning, instead of to sustain the teachers’ instructive activity (Trindade, 2014). At the end of the article comes the strongest statement, that PBL rightly argues for students’ learning being universities’ focus, not the preservation of teachers’ vocation. However, students’ learning is “a phenomenon whose cultural dimension cannot be neglected” (Trindade, 2014), and higher education should contribute to both personal and social development. Such growth depends on more than students’ ability to appropriate new information and learn new procedures. Higher education should also “establish epistemological ruptures that, corresponding to other forms of constructing and using knowledge, are a necessary condition for that appropriation to happen (Trindade, 2014). In other words, universities should preserve the initial goal of a liberal arts education: not just preparation for a vocation, but the formation of an able citizen (Currie, 2021). 

Types of Problems and Questions

         Another study was done using PBL with Portuguese high school students and teachers related to solving climate change, an intentionally complex problem. It was found that students formulate and teachers anticipate mainly the same two types of questions: “encyclopedic and meaning-oriented” (Loureiro, 2008). Both students and teachers formulated large numbers of meaning-oriented questions, that can be described as “high-level”. But the other type of high-level questions – relational, value-oriented, and solution-oriented – were rare or non-existent (Loureiro, 2008). Hence, a teacher’s ability to “anticipate students’ most frequent questions as well as the specific contents they focus on” may facilitate their application of PBL. 

         In general, PBL was found to help students “develop skills that are required to both understand and solve everyday problems and carry out lifelong learning” (Loureiro, 2008). The kind of problem selected appeared not to influence the predominant types of questions formulated by students. But the amount of information available related to the problem did affect the number of questions raised (Loureiro, 2008). Portuguese participants in PBL thrived when they had access to quality, relevant information for their individual and collective research. 

         However, this study also concluded that some subjects involve too much information to be engaged in certain classroom settings. However, complex subjects are appropriate because they tend to provoke emotional involvement and stimulate discussion (Loureiro, 2008). The contrast between extensive information and complexity related to problems seems to indicate that the former causes learner fatigue and bogs down research. Complexity, on the other hand, generates engagement and lively debate. Lastly, the study was optimistic about teachers’ ability to choose problem subjects that lead to questions that center learning on students while fulfilling the course curriculum (Loureiro, 2008). 

Insights and Recommendations for use of PBL in PS Advocacy in Portugal

Consideration of Portuguese History and Place of an Evangelical Missionary

At the outset, PBL’s application to PS advocacy is clear in that the latter addresses a problem it intends to mitigate against. In my practice of PS advocacy, the goals of solving this problem include 

  1. seeing the universal Christian church in all its diverse expressions repent of this sin,
  2. being healed of its consequences (most notably its own internal divisions), 
  3. seeing the healing of its relationship to the Jewish people, and
  4. seeing the restoration of its call to be a community of reconciliation (Eph. 2:14-18; II Cor. 5:20-21). 

In majority Roman Catholic Portugal, I believe that all four of these matters can be shown as important to church leadership as well as the laity. The biblical idea that sin curses “the land” of a nation but repentance brings healing (II Chron. 7:14) should touch the hearts of many Portuguese Catholics. The desire of Portuguese Catholics to be reconciled with the rest of the Christian churches is perhaps less distinct, and therefore will require an argument for its necessity and benefits. The healing of the Portuguese nation in relation to its Jewish population and the Jewish people worldwide is an uncomfortable subject that will require care and prayer. I consider the restoration of the Catholic church’s identity as a community of reconciliation to be the most potentially fruitful aspect of my PS advocacy. As is the case with other churches in the West, the Catholic church has been largely characterized as a throwback to colonial exploitation, oppression, bigotry, and injustice. I believe that the motif of church as intergroup reconciler should be a welcome re-imagination of its identity and vocation in our pluralistic, globalized world. 

In my research, the most helpful resources on PBL were from the field of education. My brief search for references on PBL in Christian ecumenism, interfaith dialogue, and reconciliation studies, yielded no specific cases. Nevertheless, I find several points of application of PBL in my work. 

            In my work, PS advocacy generally involves meetings of mid-level to senior leaders representing diverse Christian traditions. Looking over the minutes of a recent European PS conference, I extracted the following key problems: 

  1. Overcoming the difficulty of recruiting new participants because of complete lack of interest, or insufficient interest considering other priorities.
  2. Overcoming the doctrinal differences and resultant controversies that slow the work down. 
  3. Deep distrust between Messianic Jews and the Catholic Church.
  4. The Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East.
  5. Division in Orthodox church caused by Ukraine war.
  6. The resurgence of Antisemitism. 
  7. Passing the vision on to a new generation to continue the work. 
  8. Resolving the rift between Christian churches and Judaism when the former seeks reconciliation with Messianic Jews whom the latter overwhelmingly reject.
  9. The movement still largely Western, need for more participation from churches of the Global South. 
  10. The need to create training for PS advocacy.

European PS advocacy has flourished, mostly in the United Kingdom, Germany, Austria, and several nations of Eastern Europe. Portugal is part of the country cluster intercultural researchers have named “Latin Europe”, which includes Italy, Spain, and perhaps surprisingly, Israel (Jackson, 2020). This is the part of Europe where PS advocacy has made least progress. Austria is an outlier as a nation with a majority Catholic Christian tradition where PS advocacy has flourished. This illustrates the challenge of PS advocacy in the Catholic world, of which Portugal is part. Therefore, in Portugal the most relevant problems listed above are those acutely related to the Catholic church. 

In my experience, the first problem is most urgent in Portugal: Overcoming the difficulty of recruiting new participants because of complete lack of interest, or insufficient interest considering other priorities. There have been initiatives in the Catholic church recognizing the need for repentance over antisemitism, pogroms, and the Inquisition (Marujo, 2000). Much native research has been done in Portugal related to post-colonialism and Catholic antisemitism (Tavim, 2023), as well as foreign research on the connection between Iberian Imperialism and supersessionism (Jennings, 2010). 

Hypothetical Application of PBL

PBL could be effectively applied in a context of ecumenical meetings in majority Catholic Portugal. Most ecumenical gatherings in Portugal are led by a Catholic leaders with participants from Mainline Protestant, Evangelical, and Orthodox churches are also present. As a foreign evangelical participant, I would need to be careful about suggesting the use of PBL in relation to pasts sins and theological errors in Portuguese Christianity such as supersessionism. Therefore, my first step would be to explain PBL’s usefulness to teaching heterogeneous groups to work together (Nguyen, 2018), which lies at the heart of EC’s vision as an ecumenical project. 

PBL offers an outsider like me an opportunity to assume a more neutral role. I could meet privately with some ecumenical leaders to present my proposition for using PBL to broach the subject of supersessionism. If I receive a favorable response, I can ask if one of the leaders could be the dialogue facilitator, with me as a behind-the-scenes support. According to Nguyen’s (2018), the key to an effective application of PBL to this context is to demonstrate its relevance to real life situations faced by the churches in Portugal. 

I can coach the facilitator regarding the danger of PBL participants segregating into homogeneous groups, i.e., Catholics and Protestants (Singaram et al., 2011). I can suggest that the facilitator form the groups so that the right mix of diversity is present (Singaram et al., 2011). Portugal’s Western learning culture fits the ideal for PBL described by Remedios et al. (2012), privileging not only discursive teaching but listening. The facilitator in our hypothetical context will need to explain that PBL contrasts with learning approaches that reward participants for demonstrating their knowledge (Khoo, 2003; Dixon et al., 1997). In PBL, participation is evaluated positively by their ability to think critically, give others a chance to speak, and to voice criticism (Hawthorne et al., 2004). 

We have seen that productive dialogue requires participants to gradually appropriate the language of the cultural “other”, seeking to interpret it within that distinct worldview (Morson & Emerson, 1990; Schuster, 1985). In the case of PS advocacy at an ecumenical meeting, this presents the challenge that there are likely no Jewish participants. I can suggest that a first step in countering supersessionism would be to reach out to Messianic Jews in Portugal. There is a nascent Messianic Jewish community in Lisbon whose leaders could be invited to help existing ecumenical groups to begin the process of learning the worldview of these most important interlocutors as far as PS is concerned. 

The recommendation that PBL participants be open to learning from each other in an egalitarian sense (Remedios et al., 2012) does not seem to be a problem in Portuguese culture. And in the ecumenical meetings I have participated in Portugal, the leaders don’t demonstrate a tendency to privilege some participants over others. The danger cited by Walker (1996) related to over-commitment to group solidarity and harmony over the task outcome could perhaps be present in our hypothetical intervention. Contrary to the Chinese example (Walker, 1996), the Portuguese are less careful to prioritize group harmony in general, but predictably would in an ecumenical context. Also, in contrast to the Chinese case study, Portuguese would probably not be overly polite, ordered, and unemotive (Walker, 1996). 

For our hypothetical application of PBL, it is encouraging that Portuguese participants reacted positively to solving problems versus adopting previously used methods (Fragata et al., 2020). At the same time, my general impression from the literature related to PBL in Portugal is that it meets with a conservative undercurrent regarding the role of teacher as “pedagogical protagonist” (Trindade, 2014). The Portuguese educational culture still values the classic view of a liberal arts education as more than a means to achieving a vocation. The idea that the teacher is someone that actively forms the ethical and epistemological bearings of their students is still a strong theme in Portuguese higher education (Trindade, 2014). 

Lastly, it is significant that research indicates Portuguese participants in PBL tended to ask mainly “high-level” encyclopedic and meaning-oriented questions while largely omitting “low-level” relational, value, and solution-oriented questions (Loureiro, 2008). Loureiro’s (2008) recommendation is pertinent that PBL facilitators should seek to conduct participants towards problems in a way that stimulates not only a search for information but emotional involvement. As it relates to our hypothetical PS intervention with EC leadership, again perhaps the secret lies in connecting participants with the narrative of Jewish experience as it relates to Christianity. After all, this is the context of the negative consequences of supersessionism this PBL exercise intends to address. And as PS advocates have concluded worldwide, the role Messianic Judaism is key (Hocken & Schönborn, 2016; Hocken, 2009).

Conclusion

Although PBL was not developed with ecumenism and intergroup reconciliation advocacy in mind, several aspects of it make it a promising tool. I am an Evangelical missionary dealing with issues of historical injustice and hermeneutical error in church history. My PS advocacy extends beyond my local context in Portugal, but it is here where I live that my work faces most daunting barriers. As a member of a minority Christian tradition in a bastion of Catholicism, I am at a disadvantage to raise awareness of the sins and doctrinal errors of the church my Evangelical/Protestant forebears so contentiously rejected. 

            The lack of awareness of the error and consequences of supersessionism in Portuguese Christianity is an obstacle I must engage with patience. However, I contend that PS advocacy offers to restore the identity of the Portuguese church as a community of intergroup reconciliation. This is a welcome re-imagination of a Catholicism that is largely viewed as an archaic vestige of a legacy of imperial oppression and cultural repression. 

            In PBL, I find a resource full of potential for dealing with problems related to PS as a dialogue coach. The first step is convincing the gatekeepers of Christian faith in Portugal – mostly Catholic – of the real-life implications of PS. If by the power of the Spirit I see this happen, then the door is open to use PBL to help those who must take a priestly role in relation to the sins of the church in Portugal. It is not my place to confess the sins of the Portuguese church and repent for its supersessionist doctrine and practice. Portugal is one of the oldest nations in Europe, and as a missionary I must have a patient and persevering resolve. Some could see PBL as a short-cut to colonizing a foreign culture through the subterfuge of dialogue and students as the source of learning. One could manipulate the students at the ground level using PBL to undermine the academic power structures. 

            PBL is a method that can be used according to Christian principles of humility and sincerity or repeating the same imperialist tropes that malign the testimony of our faith. But I believe in PBL’s central paradigm that learning occurs as students collectively seek solutions to real-life cases. And the accelerating factor of heterogeneous groups practicing PBL makes it a useful tool missionary service. Besides the barrier of my Evangelical origin is the relative invisibility of the Jews in Portuguese consciousness. Since their expulsion in the 15th century during the pogroms of the Inquisition, a significant Jewish presence has never returned to the Iberian Peninsula. Despite this, a large portion of the Iberian population is likely of Jewish descent due to forced conversions. What motivates my PS advocacy in this ancient land is the hope that it is part of God’s key to unlocking healing and restoration. There are deep wells of devotion to Christ in the pleasant land of Portugal. I believe the Portuguese church possesses ancient treasures which the kingdom of darkness has kept repressed. Satan’s authority is only based on the curse of sin and the distortion of truth. My prayer is that this curse and deception are being removed through renewal in the Catholic church and unprecedented ecumenical reconciliation. Most surprising of all would be the participation of the Jewish people in such a miracle.

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